Modi Cannot Compete With Rahul Gandhi In Manusmriti Vesrus Constitution Debate

From Jharkhand to Maharashtra, political tactics such as polarizing campaigns and power shifts have sparked unease, particularly among marginalized communities. These developments underline the urgent call for a democratic renewal where governance serves justice and equity

The most important aspect of elections in India has been their ability to influence how the Indian democracy works. If electioneering and campaigning bring ideological issues as well as the issues of immediate concerns to the fore, it also exposes how we conduct ourselves in a democracy. If political leaders introspect dispassionately, they would only find that in recent elections they have only created a sense of disillusionment among the masses. Should it not excite us to retune our democracy and politics?

The Prime Minister has continuously been repetitive. His speeches remind us that he lacks the imagination a third-term prime minister should have. He sticks to his old divisive agenda and uses the same toxic language. His speech in Jharkhand reminds of his speech (“They will snatch your Mangalsutra”) in Rajasthan. His Jharkhand speech is much worse than what he had made in Rajasthan. He says that they (Muslim infiltrators) will grab bread, women, and land (Roti, Beti, and Mati) of the local people. Polarization is the main plank of the BJP in Jharkhand. This is the reason why the BJP has made Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma the election in-charge here in Jharkhand. The BJP has already caused huge disruptions in the politics and society of Jharkhand and intends to do it further. BJP leadership chased Chief Minister Hemant Soren and put him into jail, lured his Champai Soren, a tall leader and former Chief Minister of Jharkhand Mukti Morcha, to its party. However, Hemant Soren fought against it with great determination. Can anyone defend these actions in a state that has been formed to do justice to the tribal population of the region? Will it not further alienate the very people who are prone to take recourse to armed struggle to get rid of the exploitation and atrocities they have been facing since colonial days? Jharkhand is one of the few areas that still forms part of the so-called Red Corridor. Maoists still have a sizeable influence in the state. The way the resources of the central government are giving away the rich resources of the state to select corporate entities is a major issue in the state.

If we come to Maharashtra, we find similar disruptions. The central leadership of the BJP has not only destroyed two major opposition parties; it has destroyed the local leadership within its party. If it lured Eknath Shinde and Ajit Pawar to break the Shiv Sena and the Nationalist Congress Party (NNCP), it reduced Devendra Fadanavis to play the role of a political manager. In a state such as Maharashtra, these disruptions have a long-lasting bearing on the society and economy of the state. The economy of Maharashtra is uniquely structured where business and politics are intertwined thanks to the huge cooperative sector. The political disruptions have affected the stability in the cooperative sector. It has its societal implications too. The feud between Sharad Pawar and Ajit Pawar is affecting the entire politics of the cooperative sector.

Political disruptions in Maharashtra have to do with the ongoing social process. There has been a trend wherein some deprived communities are claiming their stake in the power structure of the state. Castes such as Dhangar, Mali, Matang, and others have also gained much in the process. A close look would reveal that it was to the benefit of the BJP itself. Now, with two strong Maratha leaders in the NDA, the BJP cannot think of galvanizing these communities to its support. The BJP is banking on the divisive political rhetoric and the support from the Election Commission. Even if we do not accept allegations of malpractices in the counting of votes, it cannot be denied that the inaction on the part of the Election Commission against allegations of using religion and caste immensely. We do not find the Election Commission taking action against the divisive speeches of BJP leaders including Prime Minister Modi, and Amit Shah. The Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister openly challenges Muslims by taking the name of the community and invites no notice from the ECI.

While we are discussing the divisive agenda of the RSS and the BJP, we must take note of the sudden revival of Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath as the second most important campaigner of the ruling party. Indian media published several new reports to make people believe that the RSS will not choose Yogi Adityanath to succeed Prime Minister Modi as the face of Hindutva politics. Reasons cited to support this speculation included the fight between Modi-Amit Shah and Yogi Adityanath. However, the recent stance of the RSS has made it clear that the RSS might project him as the leader of the party. The RSS has given a clear indication of it by endorsing his slogan, Batenge tho Katenge (Division will lead to our slaughter).

However, the divisive politics of the BJP indeed face a huge challenge from Rahul Gandhi. He seems to have recovered from the setback he received in the results of the Haryana elections, which had certainly affected his spirit and revived his plank of social justice. He has also not abandoned his opposition to crony capitalism. His speeches in Samvidhan Bachao Sammelan in Nagpur have evoked a good response. Revival of a debate over the Constitution will hardly help the BJP pursue its divisive agenda. How could it prevent the debate from becoming a Manusmriti versus Constitution debate? Who will buy the allegation of the BJP that Rahul Gandhi does not know anything of the Constitution? No one would believe the allegation that he is trying to insult Dr Baba Saheb Ambedkar. Even after over seven decades, the RSS and the BJP could not gain an image of being respectful to the Constitution of India. It is a fact, and no one can deny it.

(The author is a senior journalist. He has experience of working with leading newspapers and electronic media including Deccan Herald, Sunday Guardian, Navbharat Times and Dainik Bhaskar. He writes on politics, society, environment and economy)